In the study of urban systems today, one thing that stands out is the rise of segregation by income. Society has dealt with segregation in various forms, with the most notable being race. Now however, we are seeing many of the largest urban centers aligning not by race but by income. In this paper, we will look at how income segregation has affected Houston, Texas. Why is income segregation occurring there?
According to research conducted by the Pew Center, income segregation has risen in recent years across the country. While at one point the vast majority of neighborhoods were mixed income, which means that the poor and the “middle-class”, and even some of the affluent lived intermixed in the same neighborhood. However, the trend in many cities is moving to income segregated cities. While this segregation isn’t the same as the racial segregation that was seen in cities through the majority of the 20th century since it isn’t enforced or encouraged, it is occurring none the less (Fry and Taylor 2012).
Whitney Radley reports that the city of Houston is now ranking at number 4 among US cities for income inequality (Radley 2011). The Houston Chronicle pins the blame on master planed neighborhoods. These master planned neighborhoods have been developed on the outskirts of Houston as an option for the middle class and the affluent to move to where the neighborhood has a uniform look with recreational centers. Many have become gated communities recently. The end result of these master planned neighborhoods is that the middle class and the wealthy are residing more and more in these areas while leaving the poor behind in the old neighborhoods of the city where the communities there are growing poorer due to a lack of wealth spreading throughout the economy of the area (Tolson Aug 2, 2012).
Another article by Mike Tolson for the Houston Chronicle digs deeper into the situation. An example of the situation in Houston is the case of the neighborhoods of Fall Creek and Gulfton. Fall Creek is one of the more affluent master planned neighborhoods. The residents of Fall Creek hold occupations as Lawyers and other high wage professions. Their reasons for wanting to live in Fall Creek include the need for access to better schools and to live a life away from the stresses of the city proper. On the other end of the spectrum is the Gulfton neighborhood. Gulfton is mainly inhabited by recent Hispanic immigrants who have come to live in the apartment complexes that house the neighborhood. The neighborhood is a very low income neighborhood where the residents who live there have very little hope of ever leaving Gulfton for somewhere more affluent like Fall Creek. In this way, an effective barrier of income segregation has been made between these two communities. The affluent wealth of Fall Creek will not trickle down into the hands of those who live in Gulfton, since the residents of Fall Creek will most likely shop and purchase goods and services from people who live and work in Fall Creek. It is for that reason why the chances of a Gulfton resident leaving Gulfton are slim to none (Tolson July 25, 2012).
Why has this income segregation occurred so heavily in Houston? Emily Badger writes that the city has attracted two differing groups to come and live in the city. One group is the immigrants from the Spanish speaking countries south of the border, such as the residents of the Gulfton district; while the other group is comprised of affluent retirees. The migration to Houston by these two groups has seen them settle in areas where the more affluent feel comfortable and the less affluent immigrants are able to afford shelter. The Pew research backs this up, noting that Houston has been among the fastest growing metropolitan areas for the last three decades. Over that period of time, a once mixed income city has been transformed into a very income segregated city (Badger 2012). Sociologist Stephen Klineberg notes that a reason for Houston’s noticeable income segregation is due to its spatial layout. He elaborates that Houston is the largest city with the least density. The city itself is very spread out. Because of its low density and large spatial size, the city has more easily oriented itself around the gated communities like Fall Creek. Klineberg goes on to state that the reason that low income workers are unable to leave their predominately low income areas is that now they are not able to connect with and become friends with higher income workers. Ultimately, according to Klineberg the poor are only associating with the poor and are thus unable to get the social connections that are needed to acquire better educations and better employment. They have lost their “social capitol” (NPR 2012).
There are a number of different theories to explain why this is occurring. The first theory is the Neighborhoods (or concentration) effects theory. Neighborhood effects theory is the theory that the concentration of the poor in one area only builds on itself and compounds over time. One component of neighborhood effects theory is the peer effects premise. Peer effects are the concept that youth are influenced by their peers. When youth are raised in a neighborhood where other youths are prone to misbehavior, then that youth will also be corrupted. Social controls are also another aspect Neighborhood Effects Theory. These social controls would include the concept of a role model for youths in neighborhoods that would provide an example of how the youths should behave and present themselves. Likewise, the neighborhood exerts peer pressure to do the right thing and act socially responsible in the neighborhood, especially among the young. When a youth misbehaved, they feared that a neighbor would report their wrong doing to their parents. These two factors are withered down due to the concentration of poor people in one neighborhood with no socialization with upper class people. Likewise, de industrialization has led to a lack of upward mobility and an erosion of the role model factor. With deindustrialization in mind, another related theory to the Neighborhood Effects Theory is the Spatial Mismatch Theory. This theory is that the cities have begun deindustrializing, and the jobs that people within the city need have moved to the suburbs where they are unable to access them. Likewise, the merchants that offer goods and services at prices that lower income residents can afford have located themselves in the suburbs far from the residents who need access to these retailers the most (Kaplan and Wheeler 2009, 279-281).
With all of these concepts now laid out, how do they apply to the case of income segregation in Houston? According to the Wall Street Journal, deindustrialization has not occurred in Houston. In fact, the case is very much the opposite for the city, seeing Houston thriving with industry (Kotkin 2007). Since the common explanation that we studied above shows that the root of income segregation is deindustrialization, Houston is a undergoing a far different scenario. As mentioned on a previous page, Houston has undergone a transformation by two radically different migration streams. Retires have found that Houston offers a warm climate, upscale amenities, and a big city life in a city that doesn’t have the density of that other cities of its size carry with them. The industry of Houston is also attracting immigrants to settle and work in Houston. The retirees have taken up in the master planned subdivisions, and the immigrants have settled in predominantly Hispanic communities. Thus, what looks like a loss of the mixed income communities is instead a different problem altogether.
When looking at Figure 1, it is interesting to note the location of the Fall Creek and Gulfton communities. Marked by its immigrant population, Gulfton is located in the inner south west side of the city. The south inner city is a logical location for immigrants to reside in since it is a shorter distance from the border and the Gulf. Fall Creek is interestingly located in a mixed area according to the map composed by the Pew Center. When viewing a more detailed map provided by the Houston Chronicle, we can see that Fall Creek is actually an island of high income residents surrounded by a sea of poverty; a map of the area in 1980 (Figure 2) shows that the place that is now Fall Creek had been high to middle income residents surrounded by a large mix of middle class residents. Likewise, in 1980 the population was only a little more than three million for Houston. By the 2005 – 2009 map (Figure 3) Houston has a population of over six million residents. Likewise, Gulfton in 1980 (Figure 4) had been a low income area surrounded by a large mix of affluent, high income, and mixed income areas. By 2005 – 2009 Gulfton was the center of a large, consolidated district of poverty (Figure 5). Looking at Figure 1 again, we can also see that the areas of affluence and poverty have consolidated, where as in Figure 2 we see a more varied mixture of income levels. The various types of income level are scattered in small pockets in the 1980’s, versus the large chunks that evenly distribute poverty or affluence in the late 2000’s. When we compare the areas of Figure 6, we can see how the central core of Houston was also affected. In the 1980’s there had been a far more diverse mix of poor and affluent areas whereas the 2000’s map shows us that the inner city is either extremely affluent of extremely impoverished.
In conclusion, Houston is a city that is undergoing growing pains. We have seen how income segregation occurs, yet none of the symptoms of income segregation as it typically occurs matches up with the income segregation affecting Houston. However, what happened in Houston happened due to its open spatial layout and an influx of migrants and immigrants who were attracted to the city for its spatial and economic configuration. Because the wealthy migrants have taken residence in particular neighborhoods, and the poor immigrants have taken up residence in the already lower income neighborhoods, these two groups have influenced how residential area in the land is priced and distributed. Because of this, the poor areas of Houston will continue to stay poor, while the wealthy areas will continually stay wealthy. Likewise, the maps that provided show that when a master planed neighborhood is built, we see the areas around it grow poorer while the master planned neighborhood grows more affluent. Policy initiatives that could be taken will have to be focused on improving public education in the areas most affected by poverty, as well as initiatives to better deal with the Hispanic immigrant influx. Likewise, better zoning practices could also help to restrict the growth and erection of master planned neighborhoods. HHhhhh
Figure 1: “Fall Creek in 1980.” Houston Chronicle. The green color spectrum shows degrees of poverty while the red spectrum shows degrees of affluence.
Figure 2: “Fall Creek in the 2000’s.” Houston Chronicle. The green color spectrum shows degrees of poverty while the red spectrum shows degrees of affluence.
Figure 3: “Gulfton in 1980.” Houston Chronicle. The green color spectrum shows degrees of poverty while the red spectrum shows degrees of affluence.
Figure 4: “Gulfton in the 2000’s.” Houston Chronicle. The green color spectrum shows degrees of poverty while the red spectrum shows degrees of affluence.
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